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I was known as the chief grave robber of my state.
I was known as the chief grave robber of my state.
Whenever men take the law into their own hands, the loser is the law. And when the law loses, freedom read more
Whenever men take the law into their own hands, the loser is the law. And when the law loses, freedom languishes.
Justice is a concept. Muscle is the reality.
Justice is a concept. Muscle is the reality.
People cut themselves off from their ties of the old life when they come to Los Angeles. They are looking read more
People cut themselves off from their ties of the old life when they come to Los Angeles. They are looking for a place where they can be free, where they can do things they couldn't do anywhere else.
We hold that the reckless disregard for human life implicit in knowingly engaging in criminal activity known to carry a read more
We hold that the reckless disregard for human life implicit in knowingly engaging in criminal activity known to carry a grave risk of death represents a highly culpable mental state that may be taken into account in making a capital sentencing judgment not inevitable, lethal result.
Be England what she will, with all her faults she is my country still.
Be England what she will, with all her faults she is my country still.
Necessity is the plea of every infringement of human freedom. It is the argument of tyrants; it is the creed read more
Necessity is the plea of every infringement of human freedom. It is the argument of tyrants; it is the creed of slaves.
When I talked to him on the phone yesterday. I called him George rather than Mr. Vice President. But, in read more
When I talked to him on the phone yesterday. I called him George rather than Mr. Vice President. But, in public, it's Mr. Vice President, because that is who he is.
Except in the sacred texts of democracy and in the incantations of orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend read more
Except in the sacred texts of democracy and in the incantations of orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend that the rule of the majority is not at bottom a rule of force. What other virtue can there be in fifty-one percent except the brute fact that fifty-one is more than forty-nine? The rule of fifty-one per cent is a convenience, it is for certain matters a satisfactory political device, it is for others the lesser of two evils, and for others it is acceptable because we do not know any less troublesome method of obtaining a political decision. But it may easily become an absurd tyranny if we regard it worshipfully, as though it were more than a political device. We have lost all sense of its true meaning when we imagine that the opinion of fifty-one per cent is in some high fashion the true opinion of the whole hundred per cent, or indulge in the sophistry that the rule of a majority is based upon the ultimate equality of man.