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I realize that patriotism is not enough. I must have no hatred or bitterness towards anyone. - Last words, October read more
I realize that patriotism is not enough. I must have no hatred or bitterness towards anyone. - Last words, October 12, 1915.
People unfit for freedom - who cannot do much with it - are hungry for power. The desire for freedom read more
People unfit for freedom - who cannot do much with it - are hungry for power. The desire for freedom is an attribute of a "have" type of self. It says: leave me alone and I shall grow, learn, and realize my capacities. The desire for power is basically an attribute of a "have not" type of self.
Any excuse will serve a tyrant.
Any excuse will serve a tyrant.
Beguiled by George S. Bush's easy smile and casual indifference to the details, we are on the brink of electing read more
Beguiled by George S. Bush's easy smile and casual indifference to the details, we are on the brink of electing him to office. This isn't choosing a president, it's casting the lead in a sitcom about the presidency.
The unpleasant and unacceptable face of capitalism.
The unpleasant and unacceptable face of capitalism.
It is the fundamental theory of all the more recent American law...that the average citizen is half-witted, and hence not read more
It is the fundamental theory of all the more recent American law...that the average citizen is half-witted, and hence not to be trusted to either his own devices or his own thoughts.
In George Bush you get experience, and with me you get - The Future!
In George Bush you get experience, and with me you get - The Future!
Property is a central economic institution of any society, and private property is the central institution of a free society.
Property is a central economic institution of any society, and private property is the central institution of a free society.
Except in the sacred texts of democracy and in the incantations of orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend read more
Except in the sacred texts of democracy and in the incantations of orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend that the rule of the majority is not at bottom a rule of force. What other virtue can there be in fifty-one percent except the brute fact that fifty-one is more than forty-nine? The rule of fifty-one per cent is a convenience, it is for certain matters a satisfactory political device, it is for others the lesser of two evils, and for others it is acceptable because we do not know any less troublesome method of obtaining a political decision. But it may easily become an absurd tyranny if we regard it worshipfully, as though it were more than a political device. We have lost all sense of its true meaning when we imagine that the opinion of fifty-one per cent is in some high fashion the true opinion of the whole hundred per cent, or indulge in the sophistry that the rule of a majority is based upon the ultimate equality of man.