...a man's worst difficulties begin when he is able to do as he likes.

...a man's worst difficulties begin when he is able to do as he likes.

The danger inherent in reform is that the cure may be worse than the disease. Reform is an operation on read more

The danger inherent in reform is that the cure may be worse than the disease. Reform is an operation on the social body; but unlike medical surgeons, reformers are not on guard against unpredictable side effects which may divert the course of reform toward unwanted results. Moreover, quite often the social doctors become part of the disease.

If you are not prepared to use force to defend civilization, then be prepared to accept barbarism.

If you are not prepared to use force to defend civilization, then be prepared to accept barbarism.

We once worried that democracy could not survive if an undereducated populace knew too little. Now we worry if it read more

We once worried that democracy could not survive if an undereducated populace knew too little. Now we worry if it can survive us knowing too much.

No serious historian of politics would imagine that he had accounted for the protective tariff of the system of bounties read more

No serious historian of politics would imagine that he had accounted for the protective tariff of the system of bounties or subsidies, for the monetary and banking laws, for the state of law in regard to corporate privileges and immunities, for the actual status of property rights, for agricultural or for labor policies, until he had gone behind the general claims and the abstract justifications and had identified the specifically interested groups which promoted the specific law.

Except in the sacred texts of democracy and in the incantations of orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend read more

Except in the sacred texts of democracy and in the incantations of orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend that the rule of the majority is not at bottom a rule of force. What other virtue can there be in fifty-one percent except the brute fact that fifty-one is more than forty-nine? The rule of fifty-one per cent is a convenience, it is for certain matters a satisfactory political device, it is for others the lesser of two evils, and for others it is acceptable because we do not know any less troublesome method of obtaining a political decision. But it may easily become an absurd tyranny if we regard it worshipfully, as though it were more than a political device. We have lost all sense of its true meaning when we imagine that the opinion of fifty-one per cent is in some high fashion the true opinion of the whole hundred per cent, or indulge in the sophistry that the rule of a majority is based upon the ultimate equality of man.

I realize that patriotism is not enough. I must have no hatred or bitterness towards anyone. - Last words, October read more

I realize that patriotism is not enough. I must have no hatred or bitterness towards anyone. - Last words, October 12, 1915.

To say that a farm boy knows how to milk a cow is to say that we can send him read more

To say that a farm boy knows how to milk a cow is to say that we can send him out to the barn with an empty pail and expect him to return with milk. To say that a criminologist understands crime is not to say that we can send him out with a grant or a law and expect him to return with a lower crime rate. He is more likely to return with a report on why he has not succeeded yet, and including the inevitable need for more money, a larger staff, more sweeping powers, etc.

People constantly speak of "the government" doing this or that, as they might speak of God doing it. But the read more

People constantly speak of "the government" doing this or that, as they might speak of God doing it. But the government is really nothing but a group of men, and usually they are very inferior men. They may have some better man working for them, but they themselves are seldom worthy of any respect.